Friday, December 6, 2019

The characters in the Play Essay Example For Students

The characters in the Play? Essay He occasionally offered words of sympathy to her such as when Sheila asked, So Im really responsible? and the Inspector replied, No, not entirely. A good deal happened to her after that. Just slightly before the Inspector arrived, Mr Birling was speaking about the need to share with no one except yourself and your immediate family so how ironic that Sheila will not share her guilt with anyone in the family. The impact the Inspector has on her is incredibly big and is arguably more-so than anyone else in the family. Mr Birling tries to assure the inspector that anyone in the same position would have done the same thing. Mr Birling uses his high social status to try to discourage the inspector from asking him any further questions about Eva Smith, How do you get along with our Chief Constable, Colonel Roberts? Perhaps I should warn you he is an old friend of mine. Mr Birling knows people in high places, but the inspector does not have any of his nonsense. At the beginning of the play Mrs Birlings character is rather like her husbands. She thinks that her family is so important and respected in Brumley that they couldnt possibly be involved in a murder case. This doesnt change through the play and in Act 2 JB Priestly portrays her to be rather hypercritical. She finds out that the reason this girl seeked the help of her committee was because a young man got her pregnant before she died so she insists that, he should be made and example of. And shouldve been forced to marry her, only to excuse herself from being part of the inspectors inquiry. The inspector knows who the young man is and makes sure he understands what Mrs Birling has to say, So he is completely to blame? Her opinions change when she finds out that the young man responsible for the girls pregnancy is her own son, Eric, and takes back every thing that she has said, but I didnt know it was you. She does not accept responsibility for refusing Eva Smith/Daisy Renton the help she needed and ending her ordeal, I wasnt satisfied with this girls claim, I didnt like her manner. Her words mean that she tells the truth in saying she was not satisfied with her claim but really she did not approve of her behaviour and the mess she had gotten herself into. Eric knows that he got her pregnant but didnt wish to get himself into any more trouble, you havent made this any easier for me have you mother

Friday, November 29, 2019

The Jabidah Massacre Essay Example

The Jabidah Massacre Paper In 1963, the resource-rich territory of Sabah, which had been under British control since the late nineteenth-century, formally became part of the Federation of Malaysia. The Philippines, however, protested this, claiming that Sabah had never been sold to foreign interests, and that it had only been leased (padjak) by the Sulu Sultanate and therefore remained the property of the Sultan and by extension the property of Republic of the Philippines. This dispute led the-then Philippine presidents Diosdado Macapagal then later on Ferdinand Marcos to establish special military units tasked with fomenting dissent amongst Sabahs non-Malay ethnic groups, namely the Tausug and Sama, two groups closely aligned ethnically and culturally with Filipinos. The code-name of this destabilization programme was Operation Merdeka (Operation Freedom), with Manuel Syquio as project leader and then Maj. Eduardo Abdul Latif Martelino as operations officer. The object of this program was the annexation of Sabah to the Republic of the Philippines. The plan involved the recruitment of nearly 200 Tausug and Sama Muslims aged 18 to 30 from Sulu Province and Tawi-Tawi and their training in the island-town of Simunul in Tawi-Tawi. Simunul was where the Arab missionary Makhdum built the first mosque in the Philippines in the 13th century. The recruits felt giddy about the promise not only of a monthly allowance, but also over the prospect of eventually becoming a member of an elite unit in the Philippine Armed Forces. From August to December 1967, the young recruits underwent training in Simunul. The name of the commando unit was Jabidah. We will write a custom essay sample on The Jabidah Massacre specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on The Jabidah Massacre specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on The Jabidah Massacre specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer On 30 December 1967, 135 to 180 recruits boarded a Philippine Navy vessel for the island of Corregidor in Luzon for specialized training. This second phase of the training turned mutinous when the recruits discovered their true mission. It struck the recruits that the plan would mean not only fighting their brother Muslims in Sabah, but also possibly killing their own Tausug and Sama relatives living there. Additionally, the recruits had already begun to feel disgruntled over the non-payment of the promised mon thly stipend. The recruits then demanded to be returned home. Four decades later, an incident known as the Jabidah massacre, continues to haunt the Philippines. No-one is sure how many trainee soldiers, most of them Muslims, died when a plan to attack the Malaysian state of Sabah leaked out and authorities moved to destroy the evidence. The Jabidah massacre, also known as the Corregidor massacre, refers to an incident which occurred on the night of March 18, 1968 on the Philippine island of Corregidor. It was on this night that members of the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) massacred at least 28 Moro Muslim recruits under their supervision. The Jabidah Massacre is widely regarded as having been the catalyst behind the modern Moro insurgencies in the Southern Philippines. As the sole survivor later recounted, the plotters led the trainees out of their Corregidor barracks on the night of March 18, 1968 in batches of twelve. They were taken to a nearby airstrip. There, the plotters mowed the trainees down with gunfire. Jibin Arula, the survivor, said that he heard a series of shots and saw his colleagues fall. He ran towards a mountain and rolled off the edge on to the sea. He recalled clinging to a plank of wood and stayed afloat. By morning, fishers from nearby Cavite rescued him. The truth of the massacre took some time to emerge. In March 1968 Moro students in Manila held a week long protest vigil over an empty coffin marked ‘Jabidah’ in front of the presidential palace. They claimed â€Å"at least 28† Moro army recruits had been murdered. Court-martial proceedings were brought against twenty-three military personnel involved. There was a firestorm in the Philippine press, attacking not so much the soldiers involved, but the culpability of a government administration that would ferment such a plot, and then seek to cover it up by wholesale murder. The matter even made its way to the Supreme Court in 1970, on a preliminary issue. Although the exact number of deaths still continues to vary depending upon the source of the reference, there is no denial of the fact that Corregidor was host to a massacre on that night. Comments and Analysis In March 1968 Moro students in Manila held a week long protest vigil over an empty coffin marked ‘Jabidah’ in front of the presidential palace. They claimed â€Å"at least 28† Moro army recruits had been murdered. Court-martial proceedings were brought against twenty-three military personnel involved. There was also a firestorm in the Philippine press, attacking not so much the soldiers involved, but the culpability of a government administration that would foment such a plot, and then seek to cover it up by wholesale murder. The plan of Ferdinand Marcos was failed because of the leaked happened. The members of the Jabidah do not want to continue the fight in Sabah because they were deprived of having promised monthly stipend. They were also dismayed because they discovered the true intention of the regime Marcos. The member of the Jabidah does not want to fight their Muslim brothers like Tausug and Maranao. The plan of Marcos was destroyed and unsuccessful so he ordered his military personnel to kill all the members of the Jabidah. It is not right to kill innocent people. Those people who were killed are not aware on the true mission of Marcos. Because of what Marcos did, many of our Muslim brothers wants to revenge on what happened in Jabidah massacre or in other words the Corregidor Massacre. There are Muslims who made a group that will fight the government for the wrong things they have done to our Filipino people. The main legacy of the Jabidah massacre was the crystallization of Moro discontent and the subsequent formation of the Moro National Liberation Front and, later, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front. Because what President Marcos done, the insurgency in our country increased, from that tragedy the Moro National Liberation Front was established and wants to fight the government and to separate the land for muslims only. Killing our co-Filipino is not a moral activity instead of killing other why we should help one another for the betterment of our country. Instead of decreasing insurgencies in our country, it become larger and larger and until now we can’t stop the insurgencies in our country because of wrong doings of our government. The justice for the people who died in Jabidah massacre was not given attention. After years past, the cased was disappeared and nothing happened. No right justice for those people who died in the massacre. Philippine justice system and no real punishment was ever handed-down to the accused. References

Monday, November 25, 2019

A Look at the Salem Witch Trials essays

A Look at the Salem Witch Trials essays Many of the American colonists brought with them from Europe a belief in witches and the devil. During the seventeenth century, people were executed for being witches and follower of Satan. Most of these executions were performed in Salem, Massachusetts in 1692. Mostly all of the accused were women, which makes some modern historians believe that the charges of witchcraft were a way of controlling the women who threatened the power of the men. During the witchcraft trials, hundreds of arrests were made, and some were even put to death on Gallow's Hill (Karlsen 145). In 1698, the villagers of Salem won the right to establish their own Church. They chose the Reverend Samuel Parris as their minister. Many of the villagers were then sorry that they had done so because of his harsh demands. They then vowed to force him out. There was much pressure surrounding the Parris family. The children of the family would entertain themselves by listening to stories told by Tituba, their slave (Natio nal Geographic). January of 1692 is when the mass hysteria of the Salem witch trials first began. The Puritans of this time were very harsh, unyielding, and quick to judge. They condemned innocent women on the basis of intangible evidence, confessions, and such things as "witchmarks" (Hill). As Dorcas Hoar said, "I will speak the truth as long as I live" (Salem Home Page). Nine-year-old Betty Parris and eleven-year-old Abigail Williams, the daughter and niece of Reverend Parris, were the first to start to display signs of strange behavior. Some of this behavior included profane screaming, convulsive seizures, trance-like stages, and unexplainable animal-like noises. Shortly after this, other Salem girls began to demonstrate this same behavior. (Salem Home Page). The girls' torment "could not possibly be Dissembled", stated Cotton Mather (National Geographic). Unable to determine any physical cause for the symptoms and behavior, doctors concluded that th...

Thursday, November 21, 2019

Economic Costs and Benefits of Introducing Minimum Wage in a Essay

Economic Costs and Benefits of Introducing Minimum Wage in a Competitive Labour Market - Essay Example Given that the parents are well educated, it is also expected that their children with have the equal opportunity for a good education. Aside from biological and cultural factors, industrialization has been pointed as the main cause of inequality which started between the agriculture and the industrial sectors. Industrialization can lead to a lesser demand for human resources. Therefore, increase in competition among the workers is possible. In line with this, the unequal resources such as the access to education between the rich and the less fortunate people resulted to a wider gap on the distribution of wealth between the two sectors of the society. Using the law of supply and demand, this study will examine the economic costs and benefits of introducing minimum wage within a competitive labor market. Eventually, whether or not there will be any changes in the economic cost and benefit analysis will be answered given that the only employer within the labor market is the monopsony. Minimum wage is referring to the minimum hourly, daily, or monthly wage wherein employers are required to pay the workers in exchange for their service. Specifically, in the UK, the minimum wage is  £5.93 per hour (BBC News 2010). Normally, the government implements the minimum wage law in order to protect the socio-economic welfare of the workers from abusive employers. As a result of implementing a minimum wage law, workers could enjoy the benefit of improving their standard of living by actually removing poverty from the lives of the people (Daniel 2010; Filion 2009). Since employed individuals will be able to receive a minimum wage, these people will be able to enjoy the benefit of spending more money on purchasing their preferred basic commodities which are necessary in order to stimulate the national and international economic growth (Daniel 2010).  

Wednesday, November 20, 2019

How buyer behaviour is used in the context of marketing Essay

How buyer behaviour is used in the context of marketing - Essay Example Firstly the study provides the information about the number of prospective buyers residing in a particular region. Secondly the study helps to understand the demographic and psychographic features of the buying population. Thirdly the study confirms the tastes of the consumers in relation to choosing and consuming different products. Fourthly it analyses the responses of the consumer to the different types of promotions carried on by the company. Fifthly it also endeavors to understand the responses of the consumers to change in the price structure of goods and services produced. Sixthly it helps in highlighting the desires of the consumers in making repeat visits to a certain stores located at particular localities (Malhotra, 2008, p.45). The behaviors of the customers can essentially be grouped under four categories. Firstly the products, which are cheaply available to the consumers, like snacks and cold drinks are almost bought by the consumer amounting from impulse and owe little to decision-making actions. Secondly the consumers while purchasing products from a known category often take little decisions regarding its brands and market value. However in the third case the consumers when purchasing products of high economic value and belonging to niche categories makes a lot of decisions (D’Souza, 2009). ... Estimates made show that on a weekly basis around 21 million customers pay their visit to the stores of the company located in United Kingdom. The products offered by the company are generally of high class and render the best quality to the different classes of consumers in the region. The products offered by the company belong to categories like women’s and men’s wear. Marks and Spencer which specializes in the women wear market also is expanding its share in the retail market by moving over to other categories like children wear and home furnishings. The company operates based on a total number of 600 stores based along the region of United Kingdom. (Marks and Spencer, 2011). Understanding Buyer Behavior in Retail Management The process of understanding the behavior of the consumers in the context of retail management can be subdivided along three essential fields of study. Firstly the retailer must make an analysis of the marketing segments to which it desires to of fer its products and services. Secondly after segmenting the particular market the retailer must understand the process of targeting the prospective customers. Thirdly the retail operations of a company earn success in their strategy of positioning themselves in the light of the large number of competitors targeting the said market. The process of marketing segmentation in the context of retail management signifies the identification of those consumers to which the retailer desires to offer its products and services. The retail company also focuses to design its marketing programs, which aim to serve the consumers identified in the above context. Herein, the retail company also decides

Monday, November 18, 2019

1920s represents the transition of the United States Assignment

1920s represents the transition of the United States - Assignment Example The decade’s three Republican Presidents – Warren G. Harding, Calvin Coolidge and Herbert Hoover only partially addressed these issues. The economic growth of the 1920’s did not extend to the agricultural sector and the rural areas. While ‘Big Business’ flourished, farmers income declined. The federal government extended strong support to big business. ‘The American Way’ came to represent weak government regulation of business and less support for labor unions. High tariff policies for foreign goods, repeal of excess profit taxes, cutbacks in the Federal Trade Commission, and government encouragement of price-fixing were responses of the government to support business. This attitude is summed up in President Harding’s request for â€Å"less government in business and more business in government† (Schultz, 1999). Despite farmers campaigning for farm relief legislation, Coolidge vetoed the McNary-Haugen bills. The 1920’s witnessed an upsurge in racism and ‘nativism’: intolerance of African-Americans and immigrants. ‘The Red Scare,’ fear of the Bolshevik menace, cultural fundamentalism, and a revival of public support for the Ku Klux Klan, demonstrated this trend. In response to perceived popular sentiment, the federal government passed the Emergency Quota Act of 1921, and the stricter Immigration Act of 1924, which drastically limited the flow of immigrants from Europe and stopped those from Asia. (Dorn, n.d.) However, although these problems persisted, it cannot be denied that the 1920’s remained a decade of prosperity between World War I and the Great

Saturday, November 16, 2019

Feminism in Legal Jurisprudence and Social Analysis

Feminism in Legal Jurisprudence and Social Analysis Discuss critically the contribution of feminist thought to social and legal analysis. Consider the extent to which you regard feminism as a distinctive and coherent approach to these fields of enquiry. Introduction This paper will critically examine the feminist contribution to legal jurisprudence and social analysis. The theoretical range and methodologies of feminist dialogue will be investigated in context of legal philosophy and social academic discourse. First, classical social theories of law will be discussed in order to asses the value of feminist analysis of social theories. In particular the feminist investigation of the socio economic theory of Marxism will be discussed in order to understand the sociological perspectives concerning the role women played in the social order. Secondly, aspects of feminist legal inquiries looking at thematic issues central to feminist thought will be analyzed. In relation to this, internal academic criticisms between feminist factions will be addressed to highlight the sheer diversity of feminist legal jurisprudence. This essay will aim to demonstrate that feminism is a distinctive inquisitive range of inquiry, but it is not a unified approach to lega l and sociological fields. In this sense its pluralism and diversity can at times leave the movement fractured and divided. But this essay argues that this does not diminish the ability of the movement to raise important ideas while tackling broad theoretical academic queries. Feminism thought: contextual origins Feminism thought originated from a historically wide ranging social debates and theories. It can trace roots back to the women’s liberation movement which gained momentum in the 60’s and 70’s along side other social struggles in the same era, notably the American civil rights movement. Feminist thought is indefinable as a single unitary theory. Feminist thought primarily is a ‘diverse, competing and often opposing collection of social theories, political movements and moral philosophies.’[1] The innermost guiding issue is to critically discuss the role of women and their experiences in various social, political and economical contexts. Issues of inequality, discrimination, institutional female representation, socialized or biological constructions of gender differences and resulting cultural implications are a just a few lines of inquiry explored by modern Western feminist thought. Thus feminist thinking is a multifarious and pluralistic academic dis cipline. There is ‘no single form of feminism that represents all feminists.’[2] Social feminist theories Feminist legal thought, it can be suggested, has made a substantial contribution to social analysis. It is a relatively new area of analysis for feminist scholars. Feminist social theory examines social relations between the sexes, expressly looking at how societal actions can be transported into the public domain for the emancipation of women. It is suggested feminist social theory has made pivotal contributions[3] and changes in modern society. It has worked to revolutionize existing attitudes with reference to social structures. It is argued, that recent social changes have been achieved through the committed agitation of feminist thinkers who fully participating in socially engaged issues such as women’s rights and reform. This has resulted in the ‘increased involvement of women in public life’[4] suggesting feminist legal thought has in some small way played a part to advance equality of the sexes. In this sense, social feminism is continually evolving[5] thr ough analytic inquiries to understand female subordination which assimilates issues of class and gender. This includes the consideration of wider factors related to identity, race, and ethnicity. By focusing on such factors, Holmstrom argues social feminist academics aim to ‘help use this analysis to liberate women.’[6] In this context, feminist thought has been able to add confidently to general social theory. For example feminist inquiries of social theory have helped to change the way sociologists previously conceptualized social theories, by focusing upon reoccurring lines of inquiry. For example, first, feminist social theory discusses biological differences and socialized activity in society. Secondly the interpretative meaning and explanation of what the term ‘social’ can mean has been praised as helping to erect a broader scope of inquiry than exhibited by earlier forms of sociology. As a direct consequence it is argued ‘feminist theories have moved beyond the issue of women and point the way to a more creative form’ of intellectual inquiry.[7] Thirdly, social feminists have usually examined patterned links between males and females which are socially structured. This can be seen in the work of Catherine Mackinnon discussed below. Finally, the feminist inquiry looks into how particular social relationships are formed and the structural workings of societal institutions.[8] It’s methods of examining ‘the meaning of the â€Å"social†, how a person’s experience affects her understanding of the social world and how males and females relate to each other’ has led sociologists to rethink previously established and influential social theories.[9] Critiques of classical social theory This impact is most noticeably seen in the radical feminist analysis of traditional social theories such as Marxism. Mackinnon [10] and Sydie[11] critically reveal how classical theories of Marx, Weber and Durkheim marginalized women to varying degrees, in order to promote social and economic aspects of their theories. Thus a major criticism leveled at classical theory is that women are fundamentally ignored by male sociologists who were preoccupied with the ‘male activities, experiences and parts of society dominated by males.’[12] For example, sociological classical theories are formulated within context of industrial society and economies. Feminists argue that capitalism helped to expand the male public sphere of influence through industrial structures. This expansion in turn was balanced by the constraint of females in the domestic private section of society, with almost no engagement in public, political or economic events.[13] This can be seen in women’s ele ctoral disenfranchisement and the suffragette movement in 18th and 19th century England. Feminist analysis of Marxist ideas A large area of feminist discourse concerns Marxist ideas. Marxism is analyzed through its historical materiality and approach. It conceptualizes history as distinct ‘succession of modes of production.’[14] Each stage of society’s historical development will progress through evolving social stages such as feudalism, capitalism and socialism. Such phases are characterized by unique modes of production. Such modes of production within the economy are made up by the integral power relations between the ‘direct producers and the owners of the means of production’ who exploit workers. Holstrom explains that within Marxist theory, issues of inequality and class division are utilized by feminist scholars to extend the range of social inquiry. Further more, they are used to examine societal divisions between the sexes, and the ‘process through which social relations of gender are created organized, expressed and directed’ as such gender relations fundamentally ‘create society.’[15] For example Mackinnon provided an influential feminist account of the social and economic theories of Marx: Marxism and feminism provide accounts of the way social arrangements of patterned and cumulative disparity which can be internally rational and systematic, yet unjust. Both are theories of power and social inequality. As Marxism exposes value as a social creation, feminism exposes a desire of the socially relational[16], internally necessary to unequal social orders. Thus, Marxist study is focused on the production of commodities for exchange and the subsequent social exploitation encouraged by this phenomenon. Feminist thought argues Marxist emphasis is placed on creative human labour which sustains the productive economy. In analyzing the modes of production and social exploitation, the societal theory neglects females who were not seen to be exploited in the same way as male workers as they did not constitute the oppressed labor force.[17] A further example of the disregard of women’s contribution to the production of commodities is the female role in the private sphere. It can be suggested that Marx ‘spends little time analyzing goods and services produced in the household and family’[18] where the trade is non commercial. Thus, feminist theory provided a valuable analytic discourse exposing the fallacy that Marxist ideas discuss all types of labour. It is in fact, limited by the barrier of gender inequalities. It failed t o adequately investigate such discrepancies according to feminist criticisms. Such external activities outside the market, such as reproduction which biologically provides the supply of labour from the family, are taken for granted by Marx.[19] Thus, feminist thought crucially highlighted how Marxism failed to comprehensively debate how a woman’s domestic and familial role aided the value of labor power as an economic commodity in society. Social theory examines many aspects of gender differences and inequality, factors which the works of classical sociologists developed no such theories about. Feminists revealed deep-seated conceptual weaknesses in such theories. For example Mackinnon’s critique of Marx discusses the notion that within the idea of class relations, women were to Marx defined by nature[20] and not by society. Therefore Marxism offers no authoritative scrutiny on the role of women within class division of society. Social feminist disciplines are argued by Adams and Sydie to help voice challenging questions which are ‘women centered in perspective, questions core concepts and assumptions of sociology’[21], and asks how change can produce a more socially acceptable human society for the sexes. In summary this paper believes feminist thought has performed a pivotal function in reassessing the nature of traditional sociological theories such as Marxism. In doing so, feminist scholars have created new perceptions of sociological theories in relation to discussing women in society. Feminist Legal and Jurisprudence Feminist legal theory, developed from the Critical Legal Studies School of jurisprudential thought. Feminist legal theory, aims broadly to: Analyze the contribution of law constructing, maintaining, reinforcing and perpetuating patriarchy and it looks at the ways in which this patriarchy can be undermined and ultimately eliminated.[22] According to the writer Leslie Bender patriarchy is a term used by feminists to address the ‘ubiquitous phenomenon of male domination.’[23] Discussion of patriarchy allows feminist discourse to examine social and legal power relations, primarily as men have used institutional methods of power to subordinate women. These methods of power ‘manifest itself in the political and economic world that governs families and sexual relationships.’[24] Freeman argues that this fundamental belief in social patriarchy is the only primary notion which brings together feminist legal theoretical discourse as a whole body.[25] Theoretical lines of inquiry stemming from the Critical Legal school, demonstrates that feminist legal thinking also aspires to create a basic critic of the: ‘inherent logic of law, the indeterminacy and manipulability of doctrine, the role of law, in legitimating particular social relations, the illegitimate hierarchies created by law and legal regulations.’[26] In this sense, feminist legal theories endeavor to locate and identify the underlying imbalances in legal rules and institutional structures in society, assessing the impact upon women as a whole. In a wider context, feminist thought is seen as an inevitable progression in academic debate into the area of jurisprudence. Ashe argues it is a ‘natural progression of the engagement of female reflection to one more area of discourse’ in view of other feminist studies in sociology, philosophy and history.[27] Therefore the extent of feminist contributions to legal jurisprudence can not be underestimated. It forms a solid ‘committed inquiry’ according to Dalton[28] in order to address female subordination, analyzing fundamental questions as to how and why mechanisms operate and succeed in placing women in such social positions. Furthermore feminist inquiry into law is a vital contribution for those studying the field. For example, this author believes continued fem ale expression and analytical work helps promote feminist legal jurisprudence within mainstream discourse. Dalton pessimistically characterizes the belief that from an outsiders view it is ‘beyond the pale’ to be a ‘women who teaches and writes as a woman, expressing women’s concerns.’[29] This paper would doubt the assertion that the role of academic feminist legal thought is viewed so disparagingly by mainstream society. Feminist legal thought may be thought of as a selective field of inquiry, but it is important for legal jurisprudence that all aspects of the law are examined from a variety of theoretical standpoints. This enables academics to discover and discuss the nature of law as an evolving social institution in a comprehensive manner. It helps to frame feminist jurisprudential within an inquisitive, exploratory framework which guides such discourse. This enables academics to focus on particular points in the discussion. This can be demonstrated by Heather Wishik,[30] in which feminist legal inquiry concentrates on answering the following analytical questions to provide a structurally coherent focus within the legal field: 1. What have been and what are now all women’s experiences of the ‘life situation addressed by the doctrine, process or area of law under examination? 2. What assumptions, descriptions, assertions and or definitions of experience – male, female or gender neutral –does the law make in this area? 3. What is the area of mismatch, distortion or denial created by the differences between women’s life experiences and the laws assumptions or imposed structures? 4. What patriarchal interests are served by the mismatch? 5. What reforms have been proposed in this area of law or women’s life situation? How will these reform proposals if adopted, affect women both practically and ideologically? 6. In an ideal world what would this woman’s life situation look like and what relationship if any, would law have to this future life situation? Such an analytical framework and inquiry demonstrates the reasoned theoretical approach plotted by feminist legal thought within jurisprudence. Locating specific questions enables feminist legal discussion to examine areas of law with purpose and structure, while sustaining its clear purpose of understanding the position of females operating within social structures. Feminist Legal Methodology To understand how feminist thought in relation to law is carried out, it is necessary to discuss the methodology of the academic school. The methodology can be simplified into three main points. First, it challenges the ‘positivist empirical tradition’ arguing that it is assumptive to accept the validity of observation and objective measurement. Feminist legal theorists therefore challenge a firmly established positivist concept within jurisprudence, that through a neutral standpoint the ‘truth or reality will emerge.’[31] Lacey discusses the ‘supposed’ neutral framework for legal reasoning such as the rule of law which is central to liberal and positivist legal philosophy. The idea of the rule of law is that it sets up standards which are applied in a neutral manner to formally equal parties. Questions of inequality and power may effect the capacity of those parties to engage effectively in legal reasoning. Gilligan on constructing moral problems in relation to gender has opened up a striking argument about the possible masculinity of the very process of legal reasoning.[32] The importance of challenging the conventional legal methodology helps to legitimately question the fundamental instutionalized legal reasoning processes which impact upon society. Finally, feminist methodology continually asks what is known as ‘the woman question’, investigating the nature of law through probing and recognizing female events which the law regulates in society. K.T Bartlett elaborated on the ‘woman question’ in Feminist Legal Methods[33] to mean ‘how the law fails to take into account the experiences and values that seem more typical of women than men or how existing legal standards and concepts might disadvantage women.’ Secondly, female practical reasoning stemming from contextual investigation is used to highlight the fundamental differences between people, and recognizes the value of the disenfranchised in society. Freeman suggests female practical reasoning is an interpretative approach[34] also used by the critical legal methods. Such influence means the interpretative approach is drawn on to ‘emancipate and uncover aspects of society especially ideologies that maintain the status quo by restri cting or limiting groups access to the means of gaining knowledge.’[35] Thirdly, through the tactic of ‘conscious raising,’ sharing and increasing individual awareness of the female life experience is a tool for feminists. Such ‘conscious raising’ enables the exploration of social constructs while challenging the objective truth exhibiting itself as ‘law and the criteria for legal legitimacy.’[36] The validity of such characteristic feminist methodological traits discussed by Bartlett reveals ‘things which traditional legal methods ignore.’[37] Such an approach places emphasis on the idea of: Positionality a stance that acknowledges the existence of empirical truths, values and knowledge. Knowledge is situated in social contexts and reflects different experiences. Thus they key lies in the effort to extend ones’ limited perspective.[38] This methodological standpoint is used as a launch pad by feminists to comprehensively consider different types of knowledge. Through experimental and far-reaching scrutiny, feminist scholars believe such a methodology will lead to heightened responsiveness achieving the goal of self determination and change in society. Freeman argues this point by stating an ‘improved methodology will result in a better understanding and ability to urge transformative practice.’[39] Categories of feminist legal thought Within feminist jurisprudence, there are many theoretical branches focusing on different conceptual points by academic feminists. Freeman identifies four main categories within feminist jurisprudence which have discussed extensive aspects of law’s relationship to the female gender in society. For example Liberal, Radical, Cultural and Postmodern approaches to feminist legal thought have provided thought provoking and powerful examinations of how women can be affected by law. Such diverse inquiries also investigate the consequences this has for female gender identity and socialized power relations. All theories are important as particular writers under each category discuss very real topical legal subjects which the reader can relate to. Examples of legal topics discussed by feminist scholars For example the legal subjects of rape, domestic violence, and harassment have been examined under English case law. R v. R (1991) has been a notable case for radical feminist attention in discussing the laws of rape, which attempt to protect women from sexual violence within and outside marriage. Feminists look at such emotive topics in order to place critical attention on women’s legal rights as citizens, examining the context of situations associated with the female experience. It can be suggested, a crucial aim of such discourse in not only theoretical, but represents genuine pragmatism to produce change which prevents rape head on,[40] and alters traditional ingrained conceptions which permeate gender relations in society. For example, rape should not be conceptualized as a phenomenon female victims should ‘have to deal with trying to avoid’ but infact it should be reformulated as an act which men must prevent.[41] It can be argued, it is imperative for femin ist legal scholars to continue to question how we view issues of sexual violence and critically assess how laws might unintentionally reinforce negative male values against women. A second area of feminist legal analysis is concentrated on the notion of equality for the sexes. Laws regulating pension retirement ages and equally pay opportunities under labour laws have been an issue within liberal feminism. Aspects of inequality between the sexes have been discussed using the differences in pay opportunities between the genders, and the existence of the glass ceiling in economic corporate structures. Such examples showing the range of analysis feminist legal thought pursues, demonstrates how resourceful the discipline is. Further more feminist thinking can provide distinct and logical investigations of previously unexplored areas of law. Black letter law, statutory legislation and rules effecting social relations and power structures have been exposed by feminists questioning the nat ure of legal rules upon female social existence. In this respect, feminist aims of uncovering the patriarchal aspects of the legal system increase awareness and help to establish necessary debates challenging the current condition of legal structures. This essay will now discuss some of the theoretical contributions of liberal, radical, and cultural feminist thought to legal theory. Feminist responses to Liberal theories This essay believes analysis of equality and earlier liberal theories have provided a valuable contribution to legal analysis. The work of Cain[42] and Lacey both examined models of equality in a legal environment. Liberals believe in the autonomous rational individual and minimal state involvement with private agents, which theoretically displaces gender differences. It suggests all humans are equal on the basis of possessing free will. Liberal feminism is rooted in the belief that women as well as men are right bearing autonomous human beings. Rationality, individual choice, equal rights and equal opportunities are central concepts for liberal political theory. Liberal feminism building on these concepts argues that women are just as rational as men and those women should have equal opportunities with men to exercise their right to make rational self interested choices. [43] Cain directly challenges established libertarian thought, arguing it is not the point ‘ to make women into men but expand the possibilities for female life experience by freeing women from the limitations of the male constructed category of â€Å"women† if she so chooses.’[44] Nicola Lacey extends this line of argument by examining the institutional limitations which are placed on women. This is known as the public and private sphere which effects power relations between men and women. The private spheres of life, such as family domestic life are contrasted to male dominated areas of public life such as in employment. Freeman argues ‘family is seen as beyond the control of the state, as power is deemed to be in the public arena while power relations in the domestic sphere can be ignored.’[45] Lacey raises an important theoretical point, questioning the extent to which the state should legitimately intervene into the private realm, especially in the co ntext of domestic violence and sexual abuse within family relations. It is argued the state should favor a pro interventionist policy in such cases even if it goes against traditional liberal values infringing on individual civil liberties and private autonomy. Thus, Lacey argues the ‘ideology of the public and private allows the government to clean it’s hands of any responsibility for the state of the private world and depoliticizes the disadvantages which may spill over the divide, affecting the position of the privately disadvantaged.’[46] Lacey argues the language of public and private spheres helps to support the status quo of pre existing power relations. For example, in the case of domestic violence the victims are ignored, resulting with ‘women being depoliticized and marginalized.’[47] It is suggested by Freeman that women’s injuries are ‘often not recognized by public legal culture’[48] such as in prosecutions which invo lve Battered Women’s Syndrome, and the application of provocation and self defense in criminal prosecutions. Olsen suggests the lack of state intervention is itself ‘a political act confirming the status quo and affirming the public private power relations.’[49] Such powerful discussions of feminist thought applied to legal analysis shows how traditional theories can be persuasively challenged from the feminist perspective to encourage new degrees of awareness and dialogue. Radical ‘identity’ theories Radical feminist thought is voiced by Mackinnon[50], claiming the dominant official voice is that of the male. It is suggested that the only significant distinction between the sexes is inequality. It is a patriarchal society where socio – legal structures facilitate the entire oppression and exploitation of women by men. Law is viewed to perpetuate the imbalance of power representing ‘a particularly potent source and badge of legitimacy’ which is systematically geared to enable male domination. Radical theories are controversial as they argue that dominance within power relations is central to accurately voicing the ‘authentic feminist approach.’[51] Such theories can be criticized for being defeatist as it implies that ‘inherent masculinity of the law can not be changed by increasing women’s entry into the structures of the legal system or by incorporating female values into its rules and processes.’[52] Therefore, laws aimed at abolishing discrimination and establishing equality in the workplace is deemed ‘futile’ in attempting to realistically alter the status of women. Logically the theory follows, if the law is fundamentally male orientated then its apparent objectivity and ‘equality for all persons’ is a cruel myth promoting a ‘false consciousness’ among women who believe they are regarded equally under law. Harris suggests that radical feminist legal theory believes only in the validity of exposing the ‘systematic stereotyping and denigration of women’[53]. Only through the broad methods of conscious raising will true social freedom grow, overcoming patriarchal structures as female self awareness of their own oppression is enhanced. Criticism of radical theories It is important to note such radical feminist legal theories have been ferociously criticized by those of difference and equivalence feminism. For example academics such as Cornell[54] specifically attack Mackinnon for conceptualizing female experience as a form of sexually passive victimhood. Secondly, Harris[55] criticizes radical feminist thought for over generalizing the suggestion that female dominance is the only universal experience encountered by women. Furthermore, is it incorrect to characterize the law as male, since discrimination is not limited to gender. It can apply to race which can affect both men and women. Cornell attacks Mackinnon’s conclusion that the distinctive female values are simply a social construct formulated within the confines of the male dominated system. Therefore they are not truly feminine values per se. Cornell strongly criticizes Mackinnon’s reclamation of tough language to argue the point that women are degraded for example, in porn ography as ‘passive receptacles’ in intercourse. [56] Cornell believes such ‘militant anti utopianism, is the inevitable expression or her argument that there is only one self-enclosed, self-perpetuating reality for women’[57] that of male domination. Cornell contends that the sexes are different, and this must be recognized to encourage positive conceptions of sexual difference. She argues it is possible to maintain equality but also remain different and embrace the existence of womanhood which is rejected by the radical theorists. Such internal factionalism within the movement of legal feminist thought, it can be suggested reflects negatively on the discipline in terms of promoting a coherent and distinctive approach to the legal field. But such disagreements are ultimately reflective of the extensive nature of feminist thought in tackling the legal field. Cultural feminist theory It can be suggested cultural feminist theory, especially exhibited in the work of Gilligan[58] has provided a distinctive but divisive legal analysis of law. In Gilligan’s difference feminism, the writer argues constructs of morality are formed at an early age and are crucially gender orientated, thus specific to males and females in different ways. Difference feminism has created an alternative paradigm assessing male and female social structures. Gilligan suggests women focus on an ‘ethics of care’ instead of the male ‘ethics of justice’. An ethics of care is argued to stress the values of